Brady Handgun Violence Protection Act Essay - 4860 Words

TABLE OF CONTENTS:_______________________________________________________ 1. Executive Summary ...†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 2 2. Thesis †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 3 3. History and Analyzing the Problem †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦... 4 4. Methods †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.......... 6 5. Evidence †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦.... 9 6. Recommendations †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 16 7. Evaluation †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 17 8. Bibliography †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 20 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:______________________________________________________ The Brady Handgun Violence Protection Act, in short: The Brady Act, was United States legislation that was passed by Congress in 1993. The Brady Act required a five-day waiting period and criminal background check, performed by state and local law enforcement, for the purchase of a handgun. The Brady Act was instituted to curtail handgun violence and decrease the probability of a handgun ending up in a criminal’s hands. The legislation was heavily pushed by Senator James Brady and his wife, Sarah Brady, after Sen. Brady was seriously injured by a gunshot wound during the attempted assassination of President Ronald Reagan in 1981. The five-day waiting period went into effect on February 28, 1994, and was strongly opposed by theShow MoreRelatedBrady Handgun Violence Protection Act Essay2679 Words   |  11 Pages_____ The Brady Handgun Violence Protection Act, in short: The Brady Act, was United States legislation that was passed by Congress in 1993. The Brady Act required a five-day waiting period and criminal background check, performed by state and local law enforcement, for the purchase of a handgun. The Brady Act was instituted to curtail handgun violence and decrease the probability of a handgun ending up in a criminal’s hands. The legislation was heavily pushed by Senator James Brady and his wifeRead MoreThe Gun Control Debate Continues Essay1762 Words   |  8 Pagesstated that in February 28, 1994, the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Law (the Brady Act) required a five-day waiting period for all handgun purchases from dealers. Whenever there is the sale of a handgun, shotgun, or long rifle to a prospective buyer, a background check must be performed on that person to decide whether that person is forbidden from owning a firearm due to past criminal actions. According to justfac ts.com between the implementation of the Brady Bill in March 1994 and year-end 1997Read MoreGun Control3838 Words   |  16 Pagesrather than regulations on guns. Guns don’t kill people, people kill people. Gun Control: Tragedies Throughout the years since guns have existed in the United States, there have been many mass killings. However, throughout recent years, gun violence has become much more prevalent in school settings. Three of the most well known massacres occurred in Colorado, Virginia, and Connecticut. These three horrific events have become synonymous with the word gun control. On April 20th of the yearRead MoreThe Free Range Of Interpretation Of The Constitution1648 Words   |  7 Pagesbetween citizen and state. The issue in the forefront of this is the Second amendment and the right that is described that a citizen under proper regulation can join a militia for the security of their free state as well have the right to bear arms (Brady). This amendment is open to interpretation as if much of the other Amendments has been the under controversy in to whether citizens should have the right to arm themselves with firearms. The branches of government whom are at the front of this issueRead MoreGun Control Research Paper2015 Words   |  9 PagesGuns In The United States In today’s society of political turmoil, violence, and economic tragedies, many gun control advocates are pushing for more gun regulations from the government. Guns have been a part of America’s way of life for centuries. However, it was not until the 20th century that the government enacted it’s first gun control act. The National Firearms Act was enacted in 1934, as stated in â€Å"Firearm Laws, Regulations, and Ordinances,† edited by Sandra Alters, in response to theRead MoreBackground Checks Are The Most Effective Way Of Preventing Gun Crimes1484 Words   |  6 Pagesmost effective way of preventing gun crimes. There are multiple cases of school and community shootings and how it could be prevented if there were some sort of system to catch perpetrators. Gun violence has been an issue since the 1970s and started to peak in the 1980s and 1990s. Gun Violence is violence committed with the use of a gun and recently there has been an increase in gun c rimes, but due to background checks they have decreased. A background check is the process of looking up and compilingRead MorePersuasive Essay On Gun Control1806 Words   |  8 Pagesthe National Firearms Act of 1938, the Gun Control Act of 1968, and the Arms Export Control Act of 1976. These three major legislations plus the rights given to the people by the constitution are the guidelines that the state governments follow and cannot contradict when they made state mandated gun regulations. One of the first major federal gun control related acts to be passed was the National Firearms Act was passed in 1934, which was followed by the Federal Firearms Act of 1938 (Vizzard, 2015Read MoreThe Issue Of Gun Control1199 Words   |  5 Pagesmany years. Several Supreme Court cases spoke about gun control during the late 1800s and first half of the 1900s, but were not a major issue until the 1960s. After the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, Congress passed the 1968 gun control act which banned mail-order gun sales. Congress has debated gun control since the attempted assassination of President Ronald Reagan on March 30, 1981. At that time there was not enough support for stricter gun control. Throughout the 1990s the controversyRead MoreGun control1657 Words   |  7 Pagesto background checks have been heavily discussed by both emotion and logic, by both gun supporters and gun control activists, and it seems like there is no middle ground for both parties to agree on. Crime rates influence guns demanded for self-protection, and guns demanded by criminals depend upon guns held by law-abiding citizens. Comparative-static analysis is used to investigate the effects of crime and gun control policies. The results show that i ncreases in crime control policies may reduceRead MoreU.s. Gun Legislation On The Rights Of A Free State1253 Words   |  6 Pagesand Gen. George Wingate. 1934: The National Firearms Act passes in response to gangster culture during Prohibition. The law implements a tax on the making and transfer of automatic-fire guns, shotguns and rifles. 1939: Supreme Court upholds a federal ban on sawed-off shotguns, implying that the Founding Fathers adopted the amendment to ensure the then-new federal government could not disarm state militias. 1968: Congress passes the Gun Control Act. The law calls for better control of interstate traffic

Essay about The Roanoke Colony - 3826 Words

The Roanoke colony was located on the Roanoke Island, in Dare County. This is where North Carolina is located today. In 1584, explorers Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe were the first Europeans to set view the island. They were sent to that particular region by Sir Walter Raleigh with the assignment of exploring the extensive sounds and estuaries in hunt of an ideal location for settlement. Barlowe wrote bright information of Roanoke Island, and when the explorers returned to England a year afterward with two Natives, Manteo and Wanchese, all of London was abuzz with chat of the New World’s wonders.Queen Elizabeth, impressed with the results of the reconnaissance voyage, knighted Raleigh as a reward. The new ground was named â€Å"Virginia† in†¦show more content†¦On April 27, 1584, Raleigh dispatched a journey led by Phillip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe to search for the Eastern coast of North America. They arrived on Roanoke Island on July 4, and almost immediat ely recognized relations with the local citizens, the Sectoans and Croatans. Barlowe returned to England with two Croatans named Manteo and Wanchese, who were able to explain the government and natural features of the region to Raleigh. Based on this knowledge, Raleigh prepared a second journey, to be led by Sir Richard Grenville. Greenville’s convoy departed Plymouth on April 9, 1585, with five major ships: the Tiger (Grenvilles), the Roebuck, the Red Lion, the Elizabeth, and the Dorothy. Consequently, a harsh rainstorm off the shore of Portugal divided the Tiger from the rest of the convoy. The captains had an unforeseen event plan if they were divided, which was to get together up again in Puerto Rico, and the Tiger reached in the Baye of Muskito (Guayanilla Bay) on May 11. While anticipating for the additional ships, Grenville recognized relations with the Spanish there while concurrently engaging in some privateering in opposition to them, and also built a fort. The Elizabeth arrived almost immediately after the forts creation. Eventually, Grenville worn-out off anticipating or the remaining ships, and departed on June 7. The fort was discarded, and its site remains unknown. When the Tiger sailed through Ocracoke Inlet on June 26,Show MoreRelatedThe Roanoke Colony On Roanoke Island911 Words   |  4 PagesThe Roanoke Colony on Roanoke Island was an attempt by Queen Elizabeth I in the late 16th-century to make a permanent English settlement in the New World. In March 1584, Queen Elizabeth granted Sir Walter Raleigh a charter for the colonization of the area of North America. This charter said that Raleigh needed to create a colony in North America, or lose his right to colonization. In April 1584, Raleigh dispatched an expedition led by Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe to explore the Eastern coastRead MoreThe Last Colony Of Roanoke1639 Words   |  7 PagesThe Last Colony of Roanoke Five hundred years ago, European explorers landed in North America. After trying to locate a new route to Asia across the Atlantic Ocean, they found a continent they did not know existed. Three different groups traveled to the New World, starting in 1584 (Basu, Tanya). The last group included Gov. John White, he had to return to England to submit his report to the Queen. John White tried several times to return to Virginia, but it wasn’t until a few years later he was finallyRead MoreRoanoke Island: the Lost Colony1691 Words   |  7 PagesRoanoke Island: The Lost Colony Alycia Roberts HIST113 VC On July 22, 1587, long before the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth Rock, 117 hopeful colonists from England landed ashore onto a tiny island along the coast of what is today North Carolina. The group unpacked and founded a settlement, Roanoke Island. Then they vanished without a trace. The story of the Lost Colony has fascinated people across four centuries and remains one of the enduring mysteries of early America. There are several theoriesRead MoreThe Disappearance Of The Roanoke Island Colony1214 Words   |  5 PagesAmerica’s past is a mysterious one, riddled with unsolved questions and misleading legends. One of the most prominent enigmas that has haunted historians for centuries is the disappearance of the Roanoke Island Colony, also known to many as The Lost Colony. After leaving for three years, the governor of Roanoke Island, John White, returned to find the settlement abandon. The only remaining clue was the word â€Å"CROATOAN† carved into a fence post and the letters â€Å"CRO† etched into a nearby tree. Several diverseRead MoreEssay Lost Colony of Roanoke967 Words   |  4 Pagescenturies, the Lost Colony of Roanoke Island has been a controversial issue. Many theories exist that explain the disappearance of the colony. Some theories suggest that the colonists left the island to live with friendly neighboring Indians. Others suggest that a hurricane wiped out the colony or that a savage Indian tribe massacred them. The possibility of disease destroying them is also a debated topic. However, evidence indicates that the men and women left behind on Roanoke Island did not dieRead MoreEssay about Roanoke Colony1106 Words   |  5 PagesThe Lost Colony Jamestown is thought by most of to be the first colony in the New World but this is not the complete truth. Jamestown is considered our first successful colony; however it was not the first attempt at a colony. There were a few attempts to colonize the New World before Jamestown and one in particular that was the most mysterious is the Roanoke colony, also known as the Lost Colony. The colony got this name because the colonists that were there vanished mysteriously with no traceRead MoreEssay on The Lost Roanoke Colony741 Words   |  3 Pagesthought by most of our general population to be the first colony in the New World. This is only half true. Jamestown is considered our first successful colony, however it was not our first attempt at a colony. There were a few attempts to colonize the New World before Jamestown and one in particular that is found to be interesting is Roanoke also known as the Lost Colony. It received this name due to the fact that the colonists that settled th is colony disappeared very mysteriously. This poses the questionRead MoreFinding The Lost Colony Of Roanoke Essay2058 Words   |  9 PagesEnglish put forth their effort to establish in America, specifically on Roanoke island. In 1584, English colonies found east coast of North America but not permanently settled. Until 1587. Raleigh, John White and a group of 115 English settlers arrived at Roanoke Island. Although this great achievement had inflated nation s economy and promote country’s prosperity, its reign didn’t last long. John White came back to Roanoke after 3 years of disappearance. After his arrival, John had no clue whereRead MoreThe Mystery Of The Lost Colony Of Roanoke2021 Words   |  9 PagesThe mystery of the Lost Colony of Roanoke is a puzzling mystery about what happened to the first English settlers in America. The question is, what actually happened to them, because even with evidence and research no one knows for absolute certain what actually did happen. The disappearance of an enti re colony, who left behind a dismantled settlement and the word Croatoan etched into a tree has stumped many archaeologists. Countless theories have arisen, some more outrageous than the restRead More The Mystery of the Lost Colony of Roanoke Essay2868 Words   |  12 PagesMystery of the Lost Colony of Roanoke It was the age of discovery that first provoked intrigue and curiosity of new lands, particularly the Americas, and how the Europeans could expand to fit their society within the borders of this unknown and unexplored land. By the 1580s, more had been learned about the Americas, but any colonization until this point had not even been attempted. And so it was the English, under Queen Elizabeth Is rule, that were issued to establish a colony along the east coast

Nlrb On Behalf Of Mrs. Dawn Vs. American Medical Response...

Case Title : NLRB on behalf of Mrs. Dawn vs. American Medical Response of Connecticut Company Case number: 34-CA-012576 Date Opened: 01/19/2010 Status: closed Presentation of the Case The case filed by NLRB was between the American Medical Response of Connecticut in New Haven and one of their employees called Mrs. Dawn. Upon verbal disagreement with her supervisor, Mrs. Dawn posted a negative remark on her private facebook wall about the supervisor. The remark attracted comments from her staff mates. On reporting to work the following day, she was suspended and later fired. The company argued that her act was a violation of their internet policy by criticizing her overseer online. The Hartford NLRB office filed a complaint of unlawful dismissal of Mrs. Dawn stating that the party was involved in protected concerted activity on Facebook at the time when she criticized her senior. In addition, NLRB identified several unlawful provisions within the company’s manual of conduct. However, before hearing, the company opted for an out of court settlement with Mrs. Dawn besides revising their unlawful provisions in their handbook. Rationale of the NLRB Decision I agree with NLRB’s decision since Dawn activity can be classified as a concerted activity. Reflectively, a concerted activity is that which involves an employee expressing views t other employees with the intention of either criticizing or suggesting an alternative response to mistreatment at place of work.Show MoreRelatedFundamentals of Hrm263904 Words   |  1056 PagesEstablishing Rewards and Pay Plans 260 Employee Benefits 286 Ensuring a Safe and Healthy Work Environment 312 PART 6 Chapter 14 LABOR–MANAGEMENT ENVIRONMENTS Understanding Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining 340 Endnotes 367 Glossary 389 Company Index 395 Subject Index 398 v Contents PART 1 UNDERSTANDING HRM Chapter 1 The Dynamic Environment of HRM 2 Learning Outcomes 2 Introduction 4 5 Understanding Cultural Environments 4 The Changing World of Technology What Is a Knowledge Worker

Progressive Historians Essay Example For Students

Progressive Historians Essay One must decide the meaning of progressive historiography. It can mean either the history written by progressive historians, or it can mean history written by historians of the Progressive era of American history and shortly after. The focus that was chosen for this paper is more in keeping with the latter interpretation, if for no other reason than it provides a useful compare-and-contrast control literature. The caveat is this: the focus of this report is on the predominant question of the historiographical period: was the war a revolution or a war for independence? One could choose many other questions to argue, questions that historians have for years disputed about the revolution, but there are a number of reasons why this report was chosen for this particular assignment; the two best follow. First, it is an old and time-honored question that professors and instructors have posed to their students for years; of pre-Civil War historiographical questions, it is perhaps second only in fashion during the last twenty to twenty-five years to the Jefferson-Hemmings paternity controversy. Second, the revolution-or-independence question is one of those which must be answered through interpretation. A case cannot be made that is so utterly conclusive as to exclude all others; it is that very fact that makes history at once so frustrating and so fascinating. What better way could there be to look at the writings of a specific school of historians? Therefore, in the pursuit of personal truth, we must proceed Perhaps the most famous of all progressive historians is Frederick Jackson Turner. His most famous argument is not devoted strictly to the American Revolution, but instead to the effects of the American frontier. In a sentence, his argument is that the frontier was the chief determinant in American history. This is not to say that Turner did not write about the war; he did, in his seminal work, The Frontier in American History, there are discussions of the frontie rs effect on the coming of the revolution. It is worth noting, before exploring Turners arguments, that the frontier in this period was only about one hundred miles from the Atlantic coast. Of course, as the period under scrutiny approaches the war chronologically, the frontier moves away from the ocean. But it is important to remember that Turner defines the Jamestown of Captain John Smith in 1607 as the frontier in its initial stage. So, in this context, it makes sense to the almost-twenty-first-century reader when Turner refers to the frontier as defined by the Proclamation of 1763 as the Old West.Turner gives an idea of his world-view near the end of the book: The transformations through which the United States is passing in our own day are so profound, so far-reaching, that it is hardly an exaggeration to say that we are witnessing the birth of a new nation in America. The revolution in social and economic structure of this country during the past two decades is comparable to w hat occurred when independence was declared and the constitution was formed, or to the changes wrought by the era which began half a century ago, the era of Civil War and Reconstruction (Turner 1920, 311). This point bears further examination in the context of all the historians being compared in this paper, but in a later section. It is more important at this point to continue with the discussion of Turners examination of the war as it relates to his frontier thesis. Briefly, Turner argues five points specific to the war in his overall treatment of the frontier. First, a fighting frontier had been established from Georgia to New England as a result of the colonial wars with the French. Second, a primitively agricultural and democratically self-sufficient society had been established on the frontier that was profoundly and fundamentally different from the society from which the frontiersmens progenitors had sprung; it is of course because those progenitors were different from their fellows that they came across the ocean in the first place. Third, the frontier developed home markets for the growingthough still smallcolonial industrial base, lessening the importance of the triangular trade. Fourth, non-English settlers had caused an unintended and at first informal breach with the mother country that later fueled separatist sentiment; it is no great thing in the thick of rebellion to forget that the war was at first a war for the rights of Englishmen when one is not an Englishman in the first place. Fifth, the frontier by its very nature reflected a contest between the privileged and the non-privileged; Turner maintains that this dichotomy was more in evidence outside New England and was more of a democratic revolution outside that region than inside (Turner 1920, 106-111). Of course, one is tempted to minimize, or even belittle this last observation by pointing out that the New Englanders provided the bulk of the troops for the rebel army In any case, Turners arguments foreshadow those of another historian, J. Franklin Jameson. Both argue a geographical or quasi-geographical determinism. Both argue that the war was a revolution that resulted in greater democracy, though their definitions of democracy are rather broad. Before turning to Jameson, however, another work by Turner should be mentioned, entitled The Significance of Sections in American History, which was published in 1932, at the height of the Great Depression. This book is not exclusively about the American Revolution. Instead, it discusses several important factors in American history from a demographic perspective. Turner echoes his own frontier thesis in this work, citing instances in the West that shaped the character of the Revolution. The behavior of the earliest pioneers was important in understanding the later evolution of the country, he argued, and focused on the North Carolina frontiersmen. He concluded that the Association desired not to be arded as a lawless mob, and their petition for annexation to North Carolina led to a regularization of the political status of the frontier districts (Turner 1932, 97). This pattern would be repeated again and again in the decades after the war, but Turners point is that the frontier districts were just as important to the political and social nature of the struggle as were the established eastern districts and towns which have received so much more press in the literature. Another factor of consequence in Turners view was early sectionalism (indeed, that is the focus of this particular book, much more so than the American war for independence). The West, which in the middle nineteenth century meant such lands as Iowa and Indiana, instead meant in pre-Revolutionary years the western regions of the existing colonies. Turner specifically discussed the western regions of Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. He suggested that the geography of the regionrocky and mountainous, in distinct contrast to the alluv ial plains of the tidewater regionmade for an order much more like New England society than the planter-led society of Virginia and the rest of the South. He contended that the frontier communities were more democratic. An informed reader can today easily infer that Turner was writing not just of the revolution, but of the beginnings of the sectional competition that culminated in the American Civil War (Turner 1932, 293). But it is the geographical determinism that Turner advances that is of the most interest to this paper; one sees the same sort of argument again and again while reading the works of Turner and his fellows in the progressive school.J. Franklin Jameson wrote a landmark work in 1926. More accurately, it was a collection of four lectures that were subsequently collected into a hundred-page book. His basic premise was that the war was a social revolution. He made four main arguments (coincidental with the four lectures), which follow. First, Jameson argued that the sta tus of persons was changed. He maintained that slavery was ended in a significant region by the war, and that abolitionism became fashionable and real as a political force. In order to contest this conclusion, it is a simple thing to counter-argue that since Massachusetts had but five slaves in 1776, it seems that slavery was definitely on its way out before the war even began in earnest. Moreover, it would be obvious to point out that abolitionism was certainly not new to the Northern States before and during the war. In short, the arguments regarding the status of people and how that status changed as a result of the war really do not hold up under scrutiny. Second, Jameson argued that the nature of the land promoted change in the people. He claimed that the geography of New England made for revolutionary thought among small holders and freemen that was not so evident among those in the tidewater south. But the colonists were different sorts to begin with; the Pilgrims and Puritan s of the North were outcasts before they came across the Atlantic. The middle-staters of Pennsylvaniathe Quakersand especially MarylandCatholics, Huguenots, and Presbyterianswere already in search of a place where they could be different and be at least quasi-independent. To lay the responsibility for the revolution on mountains and streams, thereby ignoring the nature of the people before they arrived, is a bit much to swallow. Did the land change the colonists, or were the human changes to the land merely a reflection of the ideas the colonists had with them already, and of the institutional-cultural heritage of these people? At the very least, it is a chicken-and-egg question, but it seems that the latter argument is the accurate one. In this same vein, Jameson cites the end of primogeniture as a social-revolutionary aspect of the war. To illustrate the inaccuracy of this interpretation, one need only mention that primogeniture was abolished in Britain over time without a war at all. It seems that the trend away from primogeniture was already afoot in the British world (of which the colonists were a part, and of which even in 1776 most wished to remain). War or no war, primogeniture would almost certainly have receded, as it did. In addition, Jameson claims that the frontier unleashed a revolution. His view is that the frontier itself was in some way responsible for revolutionary attitudes and thoughts, as if the land itself changed the way that the residents thought. For the sake of brevity, let us say only that Turners frontier thesis is a much more convincing picture of American history than is Jamesons. In short, Turner argues that the frontier throughout American history has attracted and promoted certain types of people and certain types of behavior. Jameson implies that the frontier made revolutionaries, and that when the war was over, they stopped being revolutionary. Turner makes the point from the opposite pole: the frontier, by its very nature, p rovided an environment where people who would otherwise have been misfits and malcontents could flourish and achieve a modicum of what would then certainly have been termed respectability. Jamesons argument virtually anthropomorphizes the frontier, while Turner casts the region in a more proper role: that of a passive agent. Third, Jameson discusses business and industry. He discusses how the war caused the Agricultural Revolution to be visited upon the Americas. In Europe, where land was at a premium, peasants had had to adopt new methods in order to survive their growing population. By contrast, in the colonies, land was cheap and plentiful, so new methods were not required. Nonetheless, it seems safe to argue that the methods adopted in the colonies would have been adopted eventually, war or no war, when the population density made it sensible to do so. Along similar lines, Jameson suggests that the war caused a revolutionary growth and change in war and commercial industries: pa per, salt, powder, cannons, and muskets all had to be manufactured to fight the war. Of course, after 1918, when the industrial nature of warfare had become painfully evident. It is easy to see how he made this conclusion. But it is also easy to see, even with the benefit of the same hindsight that Jameson could have used, that the growth of industry and commerce would almost certainly have occurred anyway, war or no war. Napoleonic France was not converted into an industrial power, despite nearly twenty-five years of virtually non-stop warfare that was of a far greater magnitude than was the American Revolution. It is far more sensible to argue that the industry and commerce of the Americas would have developed as a result of trade with Europe, with or without a war. Lastly, many participants argued at the time that the colonies were economically weakened because of the war for a significant period. How is it that Jameson concluded the exact opposite one hundred fifty years later? Fourth, Jameson argued that thought and feeling changed. At first, this claim seems the most plausible. He suggested that the war was a precursor to the European revolutionary fervor of the 1830s; this perhaps has some validity, but the fervor of the 1830s was a more peasants-against-the-aristocracy sort of thing than it was a taxation-without-representation sort of thing. Another difference was nationalism, a decidedly made-in-France phenomenon. Greeks, for example, rose up against the Ottoman Turks in 1830 in order to establish a Greek state. This was not the nature of the American war, for no foreign power of different ethnicity held sway in the colonies; certainly no Germans rose up in Pennsylvania in order to establish a German-style state out of the old British colony. Indeed, Germans tended toward loyalist sensibilities. Jameson argued that the war had the effect of creating more colleges and of diffusing religious faith. This certainly is a description of cultural contact wi th Europe more than it is a description of a result of a war. These very things took place in Europe before and after the American war; sometimes these phenomena were accompanied by violence and armed struggle, and sometimes not. The Americas were already religiously diverse, and it probably comes as no surprise that the conclusion to this paper is that the growth of colleges was accompanied by, and was a result of, a substantial growth in the population. This rather leaves the war out of the picture; for wars seldom create things, but instead tend to destroy or impede them. It should be pointed out that Jameson makes no political arguments outside of suffrage. (One generally thinks of dramatic political changes as being a result of a revolution.) He discusses political institutions not at all. He is only concerned with who had the vote. However, even before the war, the colonies had wider suffrage than the European countries from which the people and their forebears came; how is th is a revolutionary outcome? Were these people not fighting to preserve that which they already had against the growing influence of the House of Commons, which threatened to take their self-determination away? Slavery was already receding in the colonies; it was evolving awayin Vermont in 1777, Pennsylvania in 1780, Rhode Island and Connecticut in 1784; if the revolution was the cause, why then did abolition, albeit gradual, continue its march in New York in 1799 and New Jersey in 1804? The American variety of slavery was already less bad than in many, if not most, other countries, regardless of what twentieth-century movie and television productions might have you believe. Was the country not already progressive? Another writer of note who is labeled as a progressive historian is Carl Becker. He was a student of Frederick Jackson Turner and submitted as his doctoral dissertationit was called a thesis at that timea work entitled The History of Political Parties in the Province of Ne w York. In it, Becker writes that the political parties in what became the state of New York were embroiled in a tremendous rivalry. The members of the conservative wing wanted only to go so far as to assert their rights as Englishmen, while the radical element desired independence. Becker argues for a compromise interpretation in his conclusion, stating that although the conservatives were successful in securing a government measurably centralized and measurably aristocratic, we know that there was considerable pressure for a more democratic form (Becker 1909, 276). In short, Becker describes the desire for a significantly different form of government than that which England had, and existed in the colony before the insurrection. In the end, of course, the form was essentially the same; that is, a bicameral legislature was placed in the stead of Parliament, the President (who likely could have been King George I of America) was substituted for the King of England, and a judicial br anch was established to play the role of the British courts. It is significant to mention that the second provincial congress of New York opposed independence from Great Britain at least as late as May 14, 1775 (Becker 1909, 252). It is the extent of suffrage that gives a measure of truth to the progressive argument as symbolized by Beckers work. The growth of political groups in New York presaged the formation of formal parties in the colonies as a whole, foreshadowed the further entrenchment of those same parties after the Constitution was ratified, and paralleled the same developmental path in Great Britain. The same congress mentioned above voted to extend the franchise to freeholders and freemen with holdings equivalent to forty pounds (Becker 1909, 252). The Committee of fifty-one was essentially dissolved as the Mechanics and the fifty-one merged in a new system that eliminated wards and substituted in its place a system of election by citizens at large (Becker 1909, 166). Th is presaged a similar reform in England after the war with Napoleon, the Reform Bill of 1832. One is tempted to wonder if that reform in England was delayed by the war; certainly one could argue that the reform in New York was prompted by the war, but one can also be left with a sense that the change was on the verge of taking place anyway, war or no war. Nonetheless, Becker is consistent with other progressive historians when he argues the case of extended suffrage as a result of the conflict with Great Britain. Becker is also in step with his progressive counterparts when he argues his road to revolution thesis from the point of view of merchants. He spends an entire chapter discussing in detail the relative efficacy of the non-importation measures instituted by the colonies (the word boycott had of course not yet been coined in the 1770s, and historians of the early 1900s were apparently disinclined to use it). In short, he argues that the non-intercourse measures (a synonym for non-importation) were essentially ineffective. To be sure, there were fluctuations, but the image of the non-importation measures must be one of reducing the flow of goods, not one of shutting the flow off and turning it on when the colonists grievances had been redressed (Becker 1909, 63, 68-69). A few years later, Becker wrote still more in his story of revolution. He argued in 1915 that merchants were, among other shortcomings, what would today be called sunshine patriots. He suggested that merchants were all for non-importation as long as they could sell their wares at inflated prices, but after the supply was gone, they were back to trading and importing again (Becker 1915, 229). This example perhaps best summarizes Beckers view of the rebels. To be sure, he mentions the roles of radical ministers in New England, and of other agitators. Becker is perhaps best known for the line: The war was not about home rule, but about who would rule at home. This theme springs up repeatedly in the writings of the progressive historians. Sometimes the words are a little different, but the theme remains constant.Oddly enough, one of the most outspoken writers on this topic was Charles Beard. He has entered the annals of American historiography as perhaps the quintessential economic-school historian. His seminal work, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, published in 1913, argued that the forces of the revolution were in effect subverted by the forces of the established ruling class of the pre-war period. He argued that the history of America, and that the Constitution itself, was the result of Marxian-style class struggle. He further asserted that the Constitution was an economic document designed by those with money and property to protect those with money and property. This class-struggle view was applied by Beard to all of American history. He would undoubtedly stress the labor-management strife of the 1930s and the oppression of Indian s and blacks as well if he were writing today of the history of the Great Depression. He would probably explain the western movement as a result of oppressed factory workers leaving the factory in order to find opportunity in the West (this comment is offered as evidence of Beards odd-man-out status within the progressive school). Beard also stands alone among the progressive historians inasmuch as he wrote a consensus-style book in collaboration with his wife. It was entitled The Beards Basic History of the United States, and was published in 1944. In it, he (is they perhaps better?) seconded many of Jamesons notions of the end of primogeniture, disestablishment of the Anglican Church, and so on. (Beard 1944, 119) But it is the chapter on the Constitution that stands out. The view of the Constitution that was offered by Beard was a much mellower view than the one offered by him a bit more than thirty years earlier. He discussed the various features of the document and extolled its virtues. In short, he seemed more tolerant of men of property (Beard 1944, 120-137). Was it because two world wars had changed his world-view? Had he been cauterized by the barbarism of twentieth-century global war? On the other hand, had he merely begun to be more tolerant, as so often happens as people reach the ends of their lives? Probably all of these forces were in effect to one degree or another. Beard himself is quoted by Richard Hofstadter as saying in 1934 that are indeed is the savant who does not appear to be at war with himself in his own breast and in 1940 that Olympian certitude has exploded (Hofstadter, 285). In any event, whether for wartime propaganda reasons, or for the reasons wrought by intellectual evolution, Charles Beard near the end of his life had softened his once-adversarial stance. The only important criticism of Beard is that economic interpretations of history that exclude all others, of the kind that Beard wrote in his earliest years, are at best one- dimensional. At worst they are narrow-minded, adversarial, sometimes even hate-filled, polemics.Taking a similar approach to Beards in his interpretation of history through economic eyes is Arthur Schlesinger, Sr. (But in many places Schlesinger sounds much more like Turner and Jameson than he sounds like Beard.) What is perhaps Schlesingers most important work on the subject of the American Revolution first appeared in 1918, with a new edition in 1939. In the preface to the second edition, Schlesinger submitted that the assertions of the first edition had been generally accepted by historians. And that seems exactly to be the case more than fifty years later. Schlesingers view was sectional: he saw two revolutions, one in the North and one in the South (Schlesinger, 6). He argued that the non-importation policies of the colonies were far from universally successful. Nor were they universally accepted. Schlesingers view is that the non-importation zeal tended to be greater in the sm all towns rather than in the great trading towns. He notes, for example, that the leading merchants had gained a fair amount of relief from Parliament by 1770, and that their fever for non-importation, which they had happily supported in 1768, had rather more than subsided by 1770. The problem remained whether they could cease their non-importation practices without the consent of the general populace, which was largely composed of propertyless people of lesser means who still burned for the elimination of taxes entirely (Schlesinger, 218). The crux of the view is that this business of the consent of the people was not philosophical or even truly political: it was strictly an economic consideration. Schlesinger puts it even more bluntly near the end of the book: the choice, which every merchant had to make, was not, and could not be, a mere mechanical one, premised upon strict considerations of an informed class interest. Like other human beings, his mind was affected or controlled by powerful influences of temperament, environment and tradition. Furthermore, the degree to which his wealth was removable was an important factor in his decision, for his business and the good will of his customers were not commodities to be packed up and carried bodily into British lines. These facts caused many a merchant to follow the line of least resistance when independence was promulgated (Schlesinger, 603; emphasis is mine). It is the italicized sentence that gives the essence of Schlesingers book. The point that he makes is that there was a great deal of Loyalist sympathy among the merchant class, despite the myth of united and universal opposition to British tyranny that had come to exist by 1900. Nevertheless, these traders were no traitors; but it was pragmatism, not sudden philosophical enlightenment, that caused them to modify or mitigate their true attitudes. How many times have we heard it said? Youve got to go along to get along. So must it have been for the colo nial merchants. This realization goes a long way to explain the on-again, off-again support for non-importation and later for independence that Schlesinger describes in such detail in his book. And at the root of it lies the influence of the masses, or at any rate the influence of what is nowadays called public opinion.There is, a single reason for mentioning the works of these two writers in this paper, and a single reason only: to demonstrate that American historiography in the Progressive Era was hardly unified in its interpretation. Just as diversity is a buzzword on todays college and university campuses, so was genuine diversity a feature of American historiography. And, perhaps fittingly enough, this same diversity symbolizes one of the themes that progressive historians stress almost to a fault: that the views of the people during the war itself were far from universal. And so it was with historians as they wrote their books during the Progressive era. John Fiske wrote a two -volume treatment of the American Revolution in 1891. To be sure, this was at the earliest stages of the Progressive movement in the United States, but it falls well within the boundaries. In that context, one can evaluate the contents of Fiskes book, and in one other also: which occurred in various places in Turners writings. Fiske writes much in the second volume of his history of drums and trumpets. However, there are still inklings of his views as to the nature of the war. He writes, for example, of the absurd talk of John Adams, who proposed the annual election of general officers by Congress, and that if some great men should be sent home as a result, then the nation will not be ruined (Fiske, 31). Fiske sees this as a ludicrous notion to say the least, indicating his great-man orientation. (As an aside, Fiske writes of Benedict Arnolds death-bed remorse at ever having put on any other uniform than that of the colonial forces, which story has found its way into American mythol ogy.) In a sentence, Fiske writes of armies and leaders, of imperial nations and colonies, and of congresses and parliaments. He clearly does not write of rivers, mountains, and mass suffrage. Albert Bushnell Hart wrote his story of the Formation of the Union in 1894. The publisher, Longmans, offered other works by professors of history, including one progressive professor who would someday become famous the world over: Woodrow Wilson. At the time, Fiske was an assistant professor of history at Harvard University. Hart asserted that the Constitution was more than a compact, the term he assigned to the Articles of Confederation. He defined a compact as little more than a treaty, calling it an agreement between states that lost its force when one of the parties ceased to observe it. Instead, Hart held that the Constitution was as Daniel Webster had defined it: the peoples Constitution, the peoples government, made for the people, made by the people, and answerable to the people. The p eople of the United States have declared that this Constitution shall be supreme law (Hart, 134). Of geography, Hart writes not of mountains and alluvial plains, but of man-made boundaries and political competition related to enlarging the entities of the competitors. Again, as in Fiske, whom Hart recommends along with George Bancroft and Henry Adams, the view is of and from the top, not of the common citizen. Are these writers of interest other than for the reason already offered? It is important to mention these writers as a corollary of the question that was posed at the outsetand sought at first to duck: exactly what is a progressive historian? Again, spatial limitations require this to be brief: it is clear from examining the work of Fiske and Hart that if a progressive historian is defined as a writer of history during the Progressive Era, then the work one will encounter is diverse in its viewpoints and interpretations; if, however one defines a progressive historian as a mem ber of a school of thought, then the events of the times in which they wrote take on a secondary value, supplanted by rivers, mountains, and the like. But then one must remind oneself of the example of Charles Beard, if for no other reason than to sully and sunder that grand generalizationFirst, lets take a look at a few compare-and-contrast conclusions. Progressive historians have in common the world-view that goes with the economic interpretation of history. They do not, however, always conclude the same things (Jameson and Turner argued greater economic democracy, for example, while Beard argued the Constitution as a document written by the wealthy to protect the wealthy). To a great degree, progressive historians are interested in geography, especially insofar as geographical factors are determinants in history. This interest varies, of course, from writer to writer, but Turner and Jameson are the best examples of those who ascribe to water-and-dirt determinism. Moreover, progre ssive historians, presuming that one defines the term as a historian who belongs to a school of thought, are interested more in the common man than in the great leaders; they are more likely to examine the writings of J. P. Martin than of George Washington. They are in fact the predecessors of todays social historians. This focus is consistent with a great-forces-over-great-men deterministic view, inasmuch as the will of the people becomes a great force akin to rivers and towns. But the last common factor is perhaps the most important: progressive historians are generally in agreement that the war was a true revolution, and their meaning of the word transcends the mere throwing-off of British tyranny that so enthralled writers like George Bancroft and Mercy Otis Warren. This last factor brings the second part of the conclusions, which is more important than the first part. The argument that the war was a revolution is essentially universal among the progressives; that is, it is univ ersal among those who took progressive world-views as they wrote. But the flip side of revolution is consensus. Turner, Becker, Jameson, et al. argue that the war was fought for, or at least caused, greater democracy in the colonies. This may be true; that is, wars tend to cause the end of Old Orders and ancient regimes, but that is hardly a singular thing to say about the American Revolution. All of our wars have caused some sort or other of significant social change and reform. The argument that is to be brought forward is this: in being revolutionary, the colonists demonstrated a sort of consensus thinking. If they wanted greater democracy, that was not really change so much as it was an affirmation of the existing order. Those who gained votes and other social privileges were saying, in effect, The existing order is pretty good; it is so good in fact that I want a greater role in it. I want a bigger piece of it. These were no sans-culottes cutting off the heads of kings and aris tocrats as the Frenchmen did in their frenzied Terror. No; these were Englishmen who desired home rule, who at first sought to preserve local autonomy and loyalty to the King, not to Parliament; and it was only later that they slipped into the position of demanding sovereignty. The second half of the rebuttal to the thesis that states that the war was a revolution because of the change it wrought is this: since all of the wars the United States has fought have yielded dramatic social and political change, then they must all be revolutionary. The World Wars, Korea and Vietnam, the American Civil War: all were revolutions in this context. But then the term begins to lose its meaning to a sort of rhetorical inflation, just as what were once bit players in Hollywood are now listed as stars, and what were once stars are now superstars. (Whats next, novas, and supernovas?) To put it another way, if the wars were all revolutionary, then none of them were. This brings back Turners statement quoted at the beginning of this paper. What he said in 1920 could easily have been said a few years after the end of the Vietnam War. Or it could just as easily be said today, with reference to the upheavals being caused by the Information Revolution. What of the events in Eastern Europe and their consequences in the United States as the realization hits that the Cold War appears to be over? What the colonists sought was control that they had already been accustomed to having. Parliament was not in the colonists chain of command in 1700, and for the House of Commons to attempt to place itself there was seen as a loss to the colonists. It was change that they resisted, not what they sought; they largely felt that they were resisting an invasion of their political birthright, not that they were breaking bold new political ground. It would therefore be very easy to argue that the war was fought as a reactionary response, not as a radical one. And, as the businessmen like to say, The b ottom line is the bottom line. The bottom line, in this case, is this: classwise, those who ruled in 1770 ruled in 1790; the Parliament, a bicameral legislature, was replaced by the Congress, itself a bicameral legislature; the King was replaced by a President, who could very easily have ruled for life, setting a tradition that the head-of-state-for-life would be chosen without the benefit of heredity. There is more, of course: only propertied white males had the vote, both before and after the war; the end of slavery was not exactly accelerated by the war, though there were a few (relatively minor) gains for blacks; the economic system was not changed, nor was the class structure, except to forbid a nobility that in any case did not truly exist in the colonies before the war. Perhaps Richard Hofstadter put it best in his statement regarding progressive historians in 1968: Since the time of the Bolshevik Revolution, it has been hard for most Americans, and especially those who make our world policies, to recapture the memory of the early United States, Constitution and all, as a revolutionary force (Hofstadter, 284). There is certainly much validity to Hofstadters view. Perhaps we cold warriors are ourselves cauterized to the sensitivity of the progressive historians. It is when one examines the period in which the progressive historians wrote that the most sense is made of their work. Historiography is nought if it is not a reflection of the times that spawned it. Just as the Progressives were involved in a movement to improve the lot of the common man in a time of technological change, so did the progressive historians see the fighters of the Revolution as fighters for the lot of the common man. And in just the same way, as the new country was first forging its nationalistic unity, did George Bancroft see the war as a virtuous, nationalistic struggle. And likewise did Charles Beard, the erstwhile firebrand, see the Constitution in a different light in 1944, when democratic governments were only just beginning to win the first round in a deadly fight for their lives, than he did in 1913, the last year in which Civilization was spelled with a capital C. Could Beard have seen the war and its resulting constitution in any other light than the light in which the horrors of World War I were viewed in the 1920s and 1930s, that economic special interests held all the cards and manipulated the rest of us like so many puppets, making us fight and slaughter one another on a whim designed to make them still more money? Historical literature is a reflection of the contemporary events of its writers. When one strips away the influence of the times that colored the views of the writers discussed in this report, one must conclude by looking at the results that the war was one for independence, not a true revolution. Voltaire was right on target when he said that there are truths that are not for all men, nor for all times.BibliographyBeard, Charles A. An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1913. Beard, Charles A. and Mary. Basic History of the United States. New York: Doubleday, Doran, and Company, 1944. Becker, Carl. Beginnings of the American People. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1922. Becker, Carl. The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760-1776. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin, 1909. Billias, George Athan, ed. The American Revolution: How Revolutionary Was It? New York: Holt Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1990. Originally published in 1965. Used for background reading only. Fiske, John. The American Revolution, vol. II. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1891. Hart, Albert Bushnell. Formation of the Union, 1750-1829. New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1894. Hofstadter, Richard. The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968. Jameson, J. Franklin. The American Revolution Considered as a Social Moveme nt. Princeton University: Princeton University Press, 1973. Originally published in 1926. Schlesinger, Arthur M. Sr. The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution. New York: Facsimile Library, Inc., 1939. Originally published in 1918. Turner, Frederick Jackson. The Frontier in American History. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1962. Originally published in 1920. Breast Cancer Essay